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OpEd:

Proposing an Overhaul of American Politics



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Becoming involved in American politics is a complicated dance of fundraising, achieving name recognition via campaigning, and gaining popular support – for each election.  This fundamental political truth exists for elected officials at all levels of government, and while the public election process is an essential piece of American Democracy, it is also the central point at which the political system begins to fail.

Campaigning is required to achieve the name recognition necessary to win a popular election, and this requires large sums of money:  TV advertisements can run as much as US$1m for thirty seconds; traveling across the country for “town halls” and speeches is highly expensive, not to mention time consuming; and propaganda such as signs, bumper stickers, and posters must be produced in order to help the campaign supporters provide grassroots support.  The main objective, then, for many elected officials who wish to be re-elected is to acquire bankrolling financiers to finance all the requisite campaign activities.

These bankrollers tend to be rich and influential individuals, organizations promoting corporate interests, and a litany of others who consider campaign financing an investment in their own personal concerns and future.  As a consequence of this investment, the elected officials often feel indebted to their deep pocket investors, and even if they are not overtly told to do so, will promote policy and legislation that is in the interests of their top supporters – nevermind their constituents or conscience.

Even more worrying than politicians with puppet-strings, however, is the lengthening campaign cycle in modern America – the 2008 Presidential Election campaign ran for a year and a half with Barack Obama announcing his Candidacy in February of 2007, whereas Bill Clinton’s first term in 1992 was achieved with less than a year of campaigning.  Thus within five election cycles, the time-to-completion essentially doubled.  Similar situations can be found at other levels of government, such as California’s Democratic Governor-Hopeful Gavin Newsom announcing his Candidacy in April of 2009 for the Election in 2010, compared to Gray Davis’ campaign running for less than ten months in the 1998 Election – this is the time investment doubling in twelve years, slightly faster than the Presidential race.

Consider, for a moment, the term lengths that supposedly force Presidents, Governors, Senators, and Representatives alike to consider the will of the people: they range from two to six years, depending on the office.  If the election cycle is lengthening for these major positions, at what point does it become too long?  Even more importantly, at what point does an incumbent running for re-election spend more time in office campaigning to hold their job than actually doing said job?  As the Presidential Term of Office is only four years, a year and a half of campaigning is just shy of half of their duties as President.

It is for these two essential and worrisome reasons that American politics needs a fundamental overhaul: forced detachment from third party campaign investment interests and explicit limits on the campaign length of any elected office.  Legislation already exist limiting the amounts that can be contributed to campaigns, and there are current attempts to regulate further, but the essential goal is to cut the strings from the political shadow puppets – whether this is done by anonymous funding, limiting the total amount spent, or any other means is less important than action being taken against this issue.

Furthermore, legislation needs to be passed to limit the campaign cycle to no more than a quarter (25%) of the term of office for which a candidate is running, with an express upper limit of a year, in order to keep the focus of incumbents on doing what they are elected to do.  This is not as controversial as it may sound, since it is dependent on the Law of Diminishing Returns: the limit for a Representative, who only has two year terms, would be six months, while the limit for a Senator, with six year terms, would be a year – the same as a President.

Admittedly, both pieces of legislation will be difficult to achieve, if not impossible, since those in charge of passing it will be directly affected by such limits – which they will perceive as negative, but Congress can be bypassed in the case of election cycle limitations, due to the need for a Constitutional Amendment.  While an important and game-changing Amendment hasn’t been passed since 1971, this process has a greater likelihood of being successful than if it were a Bill passing through Congress – a state legislature needs only to propose the Amendment, and have three-fourths of the states ratify it.

Regardless of the difficulty, the fact remains that politics continues to become increasingly indebted to their campaign financiers due to a lengthening campaign process that becomes more expensive with each passing year.  Attacking the problems at the source can be the only true solution, and it will require popular pressure and legislation to produce results that can be beneficial – not just a toothless, half-hearted attempt to placate the American People.  However, if these problems are not addressed, the election process may soon eclipse the very office for which an official is elected, resulting in a rot of American Democracy from the inside.

OpEd pieces are published up to twice a week, and usually have to do with politics or other pressing and relevant issues in America.
Kyle can be found on Twitter and MySpace, or reached via email.


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  • "This is not as controversial as it may sound, since it is dependent on the Law of Diminishing Returns: the limit for a Representative..."

    Would you mind expanding on this?
  • The point is this: those that would be most effected by this would be the ones to start screaming irrationally about such new rules, and as we've seen recently, not necessarily depend on the truth.

    So when a House Rep. wants to start whining about how x% isn't very long, it's actually a decent amount of time when their term of office's length is considered, and with an ultimate ceiling on it, the time gets limited to something manageable.

    I phrased it this way so that it would scale to position without giving Senators an unnecessarily long amount of time to campaign in comparison to other offices.

    --Kyle
  • "those that would be most effected by this would be the ones to start screaming irrationally about such new rules"

    Au Contraire, mon frere! They would be very rationally screaming.

    My question was how is it dependent on the law of diminishing returns? Is it a comparision of the marginal benefit of an extra week campaigning (and how much more that communicates to voters about the politician) with the marginal cost of time not spent working?

    Come to think of it, a requirement that politicians start campaigning six years before the election could be excellent! Although they might be more dependent on special interest financing, the more time they spend campaigning, the less time they spend legislating. On average, modern legislation is not just wasteful, but harmful, so the less they do, the better!
  • No, it would be irrational. They are receiving money and gifts that they shouldn't need to take in the first place, and waging slander wars against each other for longer and longer periods of time each election cycle.

    This is not an unalienable right of being part of American politics, but something they have created for themselves over the decades. So while removing it would cause a stir, they would by no means have the basis for righteous indignation.

    As far as the diminishing returns, yes. One of my problems, that even Obama had campaigning, is that for someone to move from one position to another without a gap between office means time away from the very duties they were elected for. And, as you say, a week campaigning is arguably less valuable than a week spent working within the system - longer campaigns don't necessarily equate to better and more successful ones.

    And I just entirely disagree with everything in your last paragraph.

    --Kyle
  • If someone offers you money in exchange for you doing something, and if you value the money more than not doing that something, it is rational to make that trade.

    If you want someone to do something for you and you have money, and if you value them doing that something more than the money, it is rational to make that trade.

    I'm not sure of the existence of any "unalienable rights". The gazelle does not have any rights in nature, I don't see how-- but that discussion requires a lot more beer.

    To eliminate rent-seeking would certainly upset those with a vested interest in the status quo, but given that they are currently violating the property rights of others, it seems pretty justifiable to me to eliminate rent-seeking. Of course we all know that we can't simply wave our wand and be done with it; we still have to work with the constraint of people acting in their own self interest.

    Effectiveness of campaigns, let's take it to the extreme... When a person turns 21, they tell a government bureau whether or not they might be interested in political office in the future. Those who are interested are then followed around by a camera crew who makes it into a reality TV show. So we watch Obama and McCain for years and get to know them fairly intimately. Ultimately only one of them will win. A long campaign need not be any more effective than a short one. In fact, after watching the two on TV for years, far fewer people (hopefully) might be willing to vote for either. In that sense, this longer campaign, but letting people get to know the candidates has been more effective. That could be good. Regardless, it would be costly (but probably a whole lot cheaper than the war in Iraq or Medicare, maybe even cheaper than the Avocado Safety Commission). There would also be diminishing returns, even if you could get people to keep tuning into the most boring show not on C-Span.

    My last paragraph was mostly just a joke. But (and that's a big but), I think that on the margin, given current conditions, it's also true. I wouldn't want Thomas Jefferson to waste time campaigning, but I would prefer that Bush or Obama spent more time campaigning and less time contributing to the decline of this country. Likewise for members of congress. But that is because much of what modern government does is (based on my own subjective preferences and values which I have no reason whatsoever to expect anyone to adopt) bad and immoral.

    However I suspect that even people who want the government to do many of the things that I think are wrong would find the way things are done in government to be wrong in one way or another. For example, one may support government charity for the betterment of certain people. But if current programs unambiguously harm these groups due to the incentive structures they create (e.g. create dependence and incentives to get addicted to drugs), people who support "good gov't charity" should oppose current incentive structures (although they may not currently recognize the harm being done).
  • No. When you're in public office, you're paid to do your job. Taking what amounts to bribes is not rational or ethical. Period.

    "Unalienable rights" is a phrase used in the Declaration of Independence to imply that citizens have certain freedoms that cannot be taken away. None of them, or any part of the Constitution or Bill of Rights, include "taking bribes when in public office".

    I still disagree with you about regulation and government in general - if markets or people are left largely to themselves, it would end badly. We know that and now have proof. The hand-waving of increasing gas efficiency in the auto-industry is ridiculous, but when Obama declares a standard, they comply. And, when whispers of higher oil taxes and taxes on carbon start appearing, car makers are suddenly very interested in cars that can get exorbitant gas mileage as nextgen hybrids.

    That wouldn't happen without government.

    --Kyle
  • You're assuming away human motivation. Taking bribes is probably not ethical, but it is certainly rational. Perhaps the incentive structure that makes it possible could be called "irrational".

    But obviously we are using different definitions of rationality. Rationality (from an economist's perspective) is pursuing one's goals in a manner congruous with what one knows (or thinks one knows) about the world. Naturally this requires balancing a lot of different goals, so people will act along the margin (though imperfectly).

    I agree that taking bribes is not a right, alienable or inalienable. Because it is contrary to one's expected behavior (what we pay them to do, not necessarily what we expect them to do) it cannot be a right.

    There are market incentives for increasing fuel efficiency. Drivers don't like to pay for gas, therefore a fuel efficient car is attractive and will sell. It is one margin among many that car manufacturers can compete along.

    There are also problems of unintended consequences. A classic example is the rise of SUVs with the CAFE standards. Suddenly station wagons couldn't meet government standards without giving up features that consumers wanted (like enough power to get up a hill with a car full of kids) and so manufacturers had to substitute toward SUVs resulting in more emissions than before. Better regulation might have solved that problem, but it didn't. We can't count on perfect regulation, just as we can't count on perfect competition.

    That bears repeating: We can't count on perfect regulation, just as we can't count on perfect competition.

    Regulation has costs (for government and the market... which has to pay for the government). It also has risks (such as corruption, or bad regulation). If the real costs exceed the real benefits, we should not want it. I don't believe that it is usually the case that the benefits outweigh the costs.

    The closest I think we have to a "perfect regulation" is "Don't steal!" I think that's a pretty good rule.
  • Yeah, I guess... to all of that.

    Except I think the government *does* do a good job of paying attention to monopolies and litigating them. Not de facto monopolies or local monopolies, but the normal kind like Microsoft or Ma Bell.

    Everything else is a little spotty.

    --Kyle
  • If you've already done your intro micro econ class you should take Industrial Organization in the spring with Matt Holian. You seem to have an interest in anti-trust topics and Matt does a good job offering an in-depth analysis (to the extent that you can teach any economics class in just one semester.
  • I think you're misunderstanding a fundamental point...

    I'm not an Econ major. I'm CS.

    --Kyle
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